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1、2020年翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料分享 经过大海的一番磨砺，卵石才变得更加美丽光滑。今天给大家带来了2020年翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料，希望能够帮助到大家，下面就和大家分享，来欣赏一下吧。2020年翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料常驻联合国代表张军大使在安理会中导问题公开会上的发言Statement by Ambassador Zhang Jun at Security Council on Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty2019年8月22日22 August 2019主席女士，Madam President,我认真听取了中满泉副秘书长所作
2、通报。I have listened carefully to the briefing by USG Nakamitsu.The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) signed between the US and the USSR in 1987 is an important treaty on arms control and disarmament. Taking strengthening strategic stability as its objective, the treaty effectively mitiga
3、ted the arms race on intermediate-range missiles between the US and USSR in Europe and helped to enhance strategic mutual trust between major powers, ease international relations and advance nuclear disarmament process.进入新世纪以来，维护中导条约有效性，不仅对美俄两国，也对国际和地区的和平与安全具有重要现实意义。美俄本应通过对话协商妥善处理关于履约问题的分歧，切实维护条约有效性
4、。但美国单方面退约导致条约失效，将对全球战略平衡与稳定、欧洲和亚太地区安全及国际军控体系产生深远消极影响，国际社会应对此保持清醒认识。在中导条约问题上，中方已多次表明立场，拿中国作为退约借口是不可接受的。中方拒绝美方的无理指责。Entering the new century, safeguarding the effectiveness of the INF treaty is of great practical significance not only to the United States and Russia but also to international and regio
5、nal peace and security. The two countries should have properly handled differences over treaty compliance through dialogue and consultation to earnestly safeguard the effectiveness of the treaty. However, the unilateral withdrawal of the United States from the treaty led to the demise of the treaty,
6、 which will have a far-reaching negative impact on global strategic balance and stability, regional security in Europe and Asia as well as international arms control regime. The international community should be clear headed about this impact. On the INF issue, China has made clear its position on m
7、any occasions. It is unacceptable to use China as an excuse for leaving the treaty, and China rejects the baseless accusation by the United States.主席女士，Madam President,当今世界正经历百年未有之大变局，和平、发展、合作、共赢的时代潮流不可逆转，和平力量的上升远远超过战争因素的增长。同时，国际安全面临的不稳定性不确定性更加突出。多边主义是应对共同挑战的有效途径，各国应坚定维护以国际法和联合国宪章宗旨原则为核心的国际秩序，秉持共同、综
8、合、合作和可持续的新安全观，充分尊重各国正当合理安全关切，努力塑造和平稳定的国际安全环境，推动构建人类命运共同体。The world today is undergoing profound changes unseen in a century. Peace, development and win-win cooperation remain the irreversible trends of the times, with forces for peace predominating over elements of war. At the same time, there are p
9、rominent destabilizing factors and uncertainties in international security. Multilateralism is the effective means to address common challenges. All countries should resolutely safeguard international order with international law and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter at its core, embrace
10、 a concept of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, fully respect the legitimate security concerns of all countries, work hard for a peaceful and stable international security environment and promote a community of a shared future for mankind.联合国宪章赋予安理会维护国际和平与安全的重要职责，安理会成员应展现责
11、任担当，各国均应避免采取损害别国安全利益的举动。美方在正式退出中导条约前即宣称计划加快中导研发和部署，并已于日前试射新型陆基巡航导弹。中方强烈敦促有关国家本着高度负责的态度，保持克制，切实维护现有军控体系，维护全球战略平衡与稳定，维护国际和地区和平与安宁。这是国际社会的共同呼声。The UN Charter entrusts the Security Council with the important responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. Council members should earnestly
12、 fulfill their responsibilities in this regard. All countries should refrain from taking actions that undermine the security interests of other countries. Prior to its official withdrawal from the INF treaty, the United States already announced its plan to accelerate the development and deployment o
13、f intermediate range missiles. And lately, it conducted a test launch of land-based cruise missile. China strongly urges the relevant country to take a highly responsible attitude, exercise restraint and earnestly preserve the existing arms control regime in an effort to safeguard global strategic b
14、alance and stability and international and regional peace and security. This is the shared message from the international community.退出中导条约是美国奉行单边主义、推卸国际义务的又一消极举动，其真实目的是自我松绑、谋求单方面绝对军事优势。中国始终奉行防御性的国防政策，拥有的陆基中程导弹全部部署在本国境内，完全出于防御目的，不威胁任何国家。中方坚决反对美国在亚太地区部署陆基中导，要求美方在此方面保持理性和克制。Withdrawal from the INF trea
15、ty is yet another act of unilateralism and escape from international obligations by the United States. It is aimed at relieving restrictions and seeking absolute military advantage. China pursues a national defense policy that is defensive nature. Chinas land-based intermediate range missiles are al
16、l deployed within the Chinese territory. It is for defense purposes only and poses no threat to any country. China firmly opposes US deployment of land-based intermediate range missiles in the Asia-Pacific and urges the United States to be cool-headed and exercise restraint.主席女士，Madam President,国际军控
17、与裁军条约体系是全球战略平衡与稳定的基石，与国际和平安全息息相关。核裁军是不扩散核武器条约的三大支柱之一，是核领域全球治理的重要组成部分。各国应遵循“维护全球战略稳定”和“各国安全不受减损”等原则，循序渐进推进核裁军进程。拥有最大核武库的国家应切实履行核裁军特殊、优先责任。我们支持俄罗斯在此方面作出的政治外交努力，支持并鼓励俄罗斯和美国就战略安全和双边核裁军问题保持对话，致力于美俄关于进一步削减和限制进攻性战略武器措施的条约延期，并继续以可核查、不可逆、具有法律约束力的方式大幅削减核武库，为推进多边核裁军进程创造必要条件。The international arms control and d
18、isarmament treaty system, as the cornerstone of global strategic balance and stability, bears on international peace and security. Nuclear Disarmament, as one of the three pillars of the NPT, constitutes an important part of global governance in the nuclear field. All countries should follow the pri
19、nciples of “maintaining global strategic stability” and “undiminished security for all” and advance disarmament process in a step-by-step manner. Countries with the largest nuclear arsenals have special and primary responsibility for nuclear disarmament. We support the political and diplomatic effor
20、ts made by Russia, support and encourage Russia and the United States to maintain dialogue on strategic security and bilateral nuclear disarmament issues, commit themselves to the extension of the New START Treaty, continue to make substantive reduction in their nuclear arsenals in a verifiable, irr
21、eversible and legally binding manner with a view to creating necessary conditions for advancing multilateral nuclear disarmament processes.我要强调，任何军控谈判都应充分考虑各国整体军事实力，并遵循“各国安全不受减损”这一国际军控基本原则。中方已多次就所谓“中美俄军控谈判”提议表明立场，现阶段中方无意也不会参加所谓“中美俄军控谈判”。I must emphasize that for any arms control negotiation, it is i
22、mperative to fully consider the overall military capabilities of countries and follow the principle of “undiminished security for all”, a basic principle of international arms control. China has repeatedly stated its position on the so-called arms control negotiation with the United States and Russi
23、a. China has no interest and will not be part of it.中国始终不渝奉行防御性国防政策，中国自卫防御的核战略完全透明，中国的核政策高度负责，中国的核武库规模极为有限，从不对国际和平与安全构成威胁。几十年来，中国一贯积极参与联合国、裁军谈判会议等多边机制框架下的军控磋商与谈判，反对军备竞赛，维护全球战略平衡和稳定。未来中方将继续坚定维护多边主义，积极参与多边军控进程，为维护国际和平与安全贡献力量。China unswervingly pursues a national defense policy that is defensive in nat
24、ure. Chinas nuclear strategy for self-defense is completely transparent and its nuclear policy is highly responsible. Chinas nuclear arsenal is extremely limited in scale, and poses no threat to international peace and security. For decades, China has actively participated in arms control consultati
25、ons and negotiations under multilateral mechanisms and frameworks including those of the United Nations and Conference on Disarmament. China opposes arms race and works to safeguard global strategic balance and stability. Moving forward, China will continue to firmly uphold multilateralism, actively
26、 participate in multilateral arms control processes to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security.谢谢主席女士。Thank you, Madam President.2020年翻译资格考试一级口译实务材料正本清源 捍卫法治Get the Fundamentals Right and Safeguard the Rule of Law驻香港公署特派员谢锋在2019年国际法论坛上的主旨演讲Keynote Speech by H.E. Mr. Xie Fen
27、g Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China in the Hong Kong SAR at 2019 Colloquium on International Law2019年8月15日15 August 2019尊敬的林郑月娥行政长官，肯尼迪加斯顿秘书长、郑若骅司长，黄进会长、梁定邦主席，各位来宾、各位朋友：The Honorable Chief Executive Carrie Lam,Secretary General Prof. Dr. Kennedy Gastorn,Secretary of Justice Te
28、resa Cheng,President Huang Jin,Chairman Dr. Anthony Neoh,Distinguished Guests,Friends,大家上午好!很高兴再次应邀出席国际法论坛。Good morning. It gives me great pleasure to attend again the Colloquium on International Law.国际法论坛连续四年在港举行，充分体现了林郑月娥行政长官领导的特区政府对法治的重视，也体现了国际社会对香港法治的高度认可。按照世界正义工程发布的“2019年法治指数”，香港法治水平在126个国家和司法辖
29、区中位列第16位。For the fourth consecutive year, the colloquium has been held in Hong Kong, which fully shows the importance the SAR Government led by Chief Executive Carrie Lam has attached to the rule of law, and the universal recognition of Hong Kongs performance in this regard. According to the World J
30、ustice Project Rule of Law Index 2019, Hong Kong ranks 16th among 126 countries and jurisdictions.令人痛心的是，一段时间来，一小部分激进分子不断升级暴力犯罪，不断突破法律、道德、人性底线。外国势力里应外合包庇纵容，严重冲击香港法治和社会秩序。在此时刻探讨法治议题尤具现实意义。To our great distress, however, some radical forces in Hong Kong have ramped up violent crime in recent months, w
31、hich has gone beyond the limits of law, morality and humanity. To make things worse, some foreign forces have condoned and even colluded with them, seriously undermining law and order in the city. That makes our discussions here on the rule of law even more relevant.我从事外交工作33年，本科攻读的专业是国际法，愿借此机会与大家就近
32、期共同关心的三个问题分享一些看法。Ive been in the diplomatic service for 33 years, but I was an international law major in my undergraduate years. So Id like to take this opportunity to share with you my thoughts on three issues of common interest.一、关于国际法上不干涉内政的原则First, on the non-intervention principle of internati
33、onal law.主权平等和不干涉内政是最根本也是最重要的国际法原则。17世纪初，国际法鼻祖格劳秀斯提出主权平等，强调国家无论大小强弱都拥有同等权利和义务，为威斯特伐利亚以降的国际关系奠定了基石。作为主权平等的必然要求，不干涉别国内政原则应运而生。著名国际法学家瓦泰尔论述道：“国家自由与独立的必然结果，就是她们有权以其认为适当的方式进行自我管理，任何国家都没有丝毫权利去干涉别国内政。在国家的所有权利中，主权无疑是最严肃的，其他国家必须给予最诚敬的尊重。”Sovereign equality and non-intervention are two fundamental principles
34、of international law. In the early 17th century, Hugo Grotius, founding father of international law, proposed the principle of sovereign equality, which emphasizes that states, big or small, strong or weak, have equal rights and obligations, thus laying the foundation of post-Westphalian internation
35、al relations. The non-intervention principle came into being as the necessary requirement of sovereign equality. As the renowned international lawyer Vattel argued, “It is an evident consequence of the liberty and independence of nations, that all have a right to be governed as they think proper, an
36、d that no state has the smallest right to interfere in the government of another. Of all the rights that can belong to a nation, sovereignty is, doubtless, the most serious, and that which other nations ought the most scrupulously to respect.”主权平等和不干涉内政已成为现代国际法基本原则和国际关系基本准则。联合国宪章第2条第1款规定“本组织(联合国)系基于
37、各会员国主权平等之原则”，该条第7款又规定“本宪章不得认为授权联合国干涉在本质上属于任何国家国内管辖之事件”。联合国大会于1970年通过的国际法原则宣言进一步明确：“每一国均有选择其政治、经济、社会及文化制度之不可移让之权利，不受他国任何形式之干涉”，“任何国家或国家集团均无权以任何理由直接或间接干涉任何其他国家之内政或外交事务”。联大通过的其他国际宣言也指出：各国有义务避免利用和歪曲人权问题，以此作为对其他国家施压，或在其他国家内部制造猜忌和混乱的手段;有义务避免从事任何旨在干涉他国内政的诽谤运动、污蔑或敌意宣传;有义务避免以任何形式或任何借口采取任何动摇或破坏另一国家稳定或其任何制度的行动
38、或企图。1975年欧洲安全与合作会议赫尔辛基最终法案也规定：“成员国将避免干涉另一成员国国内管辖的内外事务，无论这种干涉是直接或间接、单独或集体行为，也无论有关成员国之间关系如何”。国际法院在尼加拉瓜诉美国的“军事与准军事活动”案判决中指出，不干涉内政原则“是习惯国际法的一部分”。Sovereign equality and non-intervention have been established as basic principles of modern international law and norms governing international relations. For
39、example, Article 2, Paragraph 1 of the Charter of the United Nations states that “The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” Paragraph 7 of the same article provides that “Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to in
40、tervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state.” The Declaration on Principles of International Law adopted by the UN General Assembly (UNGA) in 1970 further clarifies that “Every State has an inalienable right to choose its political, economic, social and cul
41、tural systems, without interference in any form by another State”, and that “No State or group of States has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other State.” Other declarations adopted by the UNGA also point out that St
42、ates have the duties to “refrain from the exploitation and the distortion of human rights issues as a means of exerting pressure on other States or creating distrust and disorder within and among States or groups of States”, to “abstain from any defamatory campaign, vilification or hostile propagand
43、a for the purpose of intervening or interfering in the internal affairs of other States”, and to “refrain from any action or attempt in whatever form or under whatever pretext to destabilize or to undermine the stability of another State or of any of its institutions”. The Helsinki Final Act of the
44、Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in 1975 also stipulates that “The participating States will refrain from any intervention, direct or indirect, individual or collective, in the internal or external affairs falling within the domestic jurisdiction of another participating State, regar
45、dless of their mutual relations.” In the “Military and Paramilitary Activities” case (Nicaragua vs. U.S.), the International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruled that the principle of non-intervention “is part and parcel of customary international law”.外交和领事人员是派出国在接受国的官方代表，国际法对其职能有明确规定，要求他们不得干涉接受国内政。维也纳外交关系
46、公约第41条和维也纳领事关系公约第55条明确规定，外交和领事人员“负有尊重接受国法律规章之义务”，“并负有不干涉该国内政之义务”。国际法院在解释为何必须确立不干涉别国内政原则时说，“这是因为就事物的本质而言，(干涉别国内政)总是最强权的国家所为，会轻而易举地妨害国际正义”。一语道破干涉别国内政的霸权实质。International law clearly defines the functions of diplomatic agents and consular officers who officially represent the sending State in the receiv
47、ing State, requiring them not to interfere in the internal affairs of the receiving State. Article 41 of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and Article 55 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations stipulate that it is the duty of diplomatic agents and consular officers “to respect th
48、e laws and regulations of the receiving State”, and “not to interfere in the internal affairs of that State”. And as the ICJ explained, the principle of non-intervention was established “for, from the nature of things, it would be reserved for the most powerful States, and might easily lead to perve
49、rting the administration of international justice itself”. The observation lays bare hegemony at the core of intervention.从过去到现在，包括中国在内的许多发展中国家都深受外国强权干预之害。近期，个别国家粗暴干涉香港事务和中国内政，甚至威胁取消香港的经贸待遇、对特区政府官员进行制裁。这些国家的副总统、外长、议长、议员、驻港领事等频繁同“.”激进势力会面，睁着眼睛说瞎话，将暴力行为说成是“美丽的风景”，颠倒黑白地诋毁诬陷香港警队，无中生有地指责北京“侵蚀港人自治和自由”，恬不知耻
