《Postcolonial politics and resurgent heritage the development of Kyrgyzstan's heritage tourism product.doc》由会员分享，可在线阅读，更多相关《Postcolonial politics and resurgent heritage the development of Kyrgyzstan's heritage tourism product.doc（15页珍藏版）》请在三一办公上搜索。
1、Post-colonial Politics and Resurgent Heritage: The Development of Kyrgyzstans Heritage Tourism ProductKaren ThompsonThe Scottish Hotel SchoolUniversity of StrathclydeIn 1991 the Kyrgyz Republic secured its political autonomy from the USSR and set out on the road to cultural and economic independence
2、. Tourism was high on the development agenda, not least because of the countrys abundance of natural assets, its experience with health and recreational tourism during the Soviet period and its lack of viable alternatives. During the post-colonial period, tourist activity has been based mainly on th
3、e countrys mountains and lakes. More recently attempts to develop a heritage tourism product have mirrored the resurgence of ethnic Kyrgyz nationalism and Turkic culture throughout Central Asia.The paper identifies ethnic diversity and nationalist revivalism as potential constraints to the developme
4、nt of heritage tourism in Kyrgyzstan. Moreover, the issue of dissonant interest groups in the protection of the heritage of Kyrgyzstan is addressed. Much of the international interest in Kyrgyz heritage has been directed at the epos of the nomads of the Steppes and it is their protection, rather tha
5、n that of tangible heritage sites, that has attracted sponsorship from UNESCO and other bodies. Additionally, the tangible heritage sites that have been proposed by the Kyrgyz government for World Heritage status are of domestic and regional, rather than international interest. Implications for the
6、strategic development of Kyrgyzstans heritage tourism product are discussed, with specific reference to world heritage.Key words: tourism, ethnicity, nationalism, heritage, KyrgyzstanIntroduction Prior to 1991, Kyrgyzstan, in particular the Ysyk-Kl region, was one of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re
7、publics (USSR) most important recreational resorts. Since the demise of the Soviet Union the principal focus of tourism development in other Central Asian republics has been architectural and archaeological sites, marketed within the framework of the Silk Road (Taksanov, 2003). By contrast, Kyrgyzst
8、an has preferred to concentrate tourism planning and marketing primarily on its natural resources. The combination of remote locations and mountainous topography has led to destination marketing in Kyrgyzstan being focused on adventure, nature and ecotourism. Nonetheless, the country has a wealth of
9、 heritage sites, many of which were explored to some extent during the Soviet era, and several of which have been nominated for World Heritage status. Since independence, a resurgence of Turkic cultural and ethnic consciousness has placed important emphasis on the development of a heritage tourism p
10、roduct. However, Kyrgyzstans historical and socio-political status and ethnic pluralism complicates the strategic development of a heritage tourism product. The population of Kyrgyzstan, as with all Central Asian countries, is made up of a diverse mix of ethnic and religious groups. Ethnic Kyrgyz re
11、present less than 53% of the population and are themselves comprised of around forty tribes. The ethnic Kyrgyz are a Turkic people who are thought to have originated in the Yenesei region of Siberia and whose language belongs to the Ural-Altaic family. Other major ethnic groups in Kyrgyzstan are Rus
12、sians (18%), Uzbeks (12.9%), Ukrainians (2.5%) and Germans (2.4%), although large numbers of Slavs and Germans migrated back to the Volga region in the wake of independence (CIA, 2002). In light of the ethnic diversity of Kyrgyzstans population, there is a need to balance the reassertion of ethnic K
13、yrgyz identity with the desire to develop a fully inclusive civil state. In addition, the culture of the ethnic Kyrgyz majority has been most heavily influenced by their nomadic and tribal past and in particular the epic poems. It is therefore the intangible elements of their heritage with which the
14、 Kyrgyz identify most closely. Nonetheless, some tangible heritage sites within Kyrgyzstans territory have been considered for inclusion on the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) list of World Heritage sites. However, the attraction of these sites is currently
15、limited mainly to a domestic and regional visitor market. The paper aims to explore issues of ethnicity and nationalist revivalism that have potentially significant implications for the strategic development of a heritage tourism product within Kyrgyzstan. In addition, the latent conflict of interes
16、t between protecting heritage sites of importance to the national and regional population and attracting overseas visitors to Kyrgyzstan will be explored. Ethnicity, Nationalism and Tourism in a Post-colonial Context Kellas (1998) suggests that ethnic groups are differentiated from nations on the ba
17、sis that they are smaller, more clearly based on common ancestry and historically more pervasive. Thus, whilst nations are inclusive, ethnic groups are exclusive. Stalin considered a nation to be created on the basis of a common language, culture, territory, economic life and psychological make-up (
18、Franklin, 1973). In reality, few nations satisfy all of the above criteria. The Central Asian republics, created in the wake of the break-up of the Soviet Union, are multicultural nations, which are home to a variety of ethnic groupings. Since these nations obtained independence in 1991, it is the e
19、thnic groups which have sought to reassert their culture, ideology and ethnicity (see Kamidov, 2002; Megoran, 2000a), whilst the nations have largely practiced cognitive nationalism, based on a common understanding and acceptance of a shared group identity (Carney & Moran, 2000). Ten years before th
20、e break up of the Soviet Union, Smith (1981) noted the general occurrence of an ethnic revival (and ensuing ethnic conflict) across the globe. It is by and large inevitable that there should be a resurgence of nationalism and ethnicity within newly independent nations and/or ethnic groups. Indeed th
21、e legacy of colonialism is a very important determinant of nationalism in the developing world (Kellas, 1998). In Central Asia itself, Bichel (1997:3) claims that newly constructed national identities are expressed with a heavy emphasis upon ethnicity and have at least as much to do with self-expres
22、sion and self-assertion as they do with historical evidence, precedent or cultural revival. Horowitz (1985) contests that one of the common undertakings of ethnic groups after a period of colonisation is to restore the cultural image of the ethnic group, with the aim of fostering inter-group cohesio
23、n group and increasing the groups external status. Within the context of tourism, it has been suggested that heritage tourism, in particular, can be used as a resource in such endeavours through the marketing and promotion of cultural heritage and an ethnic image to a wider audience (Pitchford, 1995
24、). However, in multiethnic nations, such activities arguably become more sensitive. Whilst Adams (1998) details the Indonesian governments attempts to use cultural tourism as a tool for nation building, she notes that, in some instances, encounters between groups have led to ethnic antagonism. By co
25、ntrast, Mitchell (2001) and Pretes (2003) argue that a nations past and the heritage sites representing that past are important factors in constructing a common national identity among a diverse ethnic population. Trans-national ethnic and religious forces can also be viewed as contributing to natio
26、nalism and playing a role in reducing ethnic tension within nations by fostering the idea of a common heritage. Indeed, Gellner (1994) discusses the role of Islam in uniting ethnic groups and differentiating them from outsiders within the context of the demise of the Soviet Union. He further asserts
27、 that the mechanisms underlying Muslim fundamentalism reflect those underpinning nationalism. Lewis (1999), on the other hand, draws attention to the difficulties of establishing ethnic identity on the basis of religion in a region such as Central Asia, where much of the population come from mixed e
28、thnic and religious backgrounds. Moreover, Elebaeva (2003) warns that, since ethnic nationalism in Central Asia is closely linked with religious extremism, it has the capability to undermine stability and security in the region. But it is not only a common religious heritage that connects the variou
29、s ethnic groupings of Central Asia. Since 1991, a pan-Turkic ethnic movement, focussing on common language and culture, has sought to reunite Turkic peoples, with the aim of counteracting extreme nationalism, fundamentalist Islam, and secular westernisation (Badretdin, 2000). Indeed, from a heritage
30、 tourism perspective, the tangible and intangible heritage of Central Asia has arguably stronger links to Turkism and Islam, than to individual ethnic groups.Methodology A combination of desk research and interview-based fieldwork was employed for the research. Newspaper articles, press releases and
31、 conference proceedings were the main source of information on post-colonial nationalism and ethnicity in Kyrgyzstan and the Central Asian region. A large element of the paper could therefore be completed using the documentary method, identifying and analysing information that had already been compi
32、led (Jennings, 2001). This desk research included a content analysis of the cultural and heritage tourism marketing literature for Kyrgyzstan. Content analysis is traditionally associated with the breakdown of texts and indeed is often referred to as textual analysis, discourse analysis or rhetoric
33、analysis (Jennings, 2001). However, in tourism research, content analysis has typically been extended to other media.Tourism research should involve the examination of texts, not only written texts but also maps, landscapes, paintings, films, townscapes, TV programmes, brochures and so on (Urry, 199
34、4: 237-238). Since the heritage tourism sector is very poorly developed in Kyrgyzstan, literature covering this field was extremely basic. The decision was therefore taken to conduct fieldwork in the form of semi-structured interviews using a purposive sample of individuals working with the tourism
35、and heritage sectors in Kyrgyzstan. Although a non-systematic sampling method, purposive sampling is acceptable where the views of particular individuals are sought and where external validity is not required (De Vaus, 1996). Interviews were conducted, through an interpreter, with employees of relev
36、ant Kyrgyz government departments and non-governmental organisations, tourism academics and directors of a number of heritage sites throughout Kyrgyzstan. In this way a body of expert opinion and experience was collected on heritage tourism, government strategy and the protection of heritage sites i
37、n Kyrgyzstan. The paper commences with a historical perspective on nationalism and heritage in Soviet Central Asia and, in particular, Kyrgyzstan. It goes on to discuss nationalist revivalism and the resurgence of ethnic heritage within the region as well as the socio-economic situation in Kyrgyzsta
38、n, with particular reference to the fledgling tourism industry. The implications of the combination of factors at work in Kyrgyzstan are then explored from the point of view of developing a heritage tourism product, and with particular reference to the role of World Heritage.Kyrgyz Nationalism and C
39、ultural Heritage in under the Russians and Soviets Prior to the subjugation of Central Asia by tsarist Russia the territory of Kyrgyzstan was occupied by nomadic peoples. Whilst there was a clear sense of nationhood and the population was linked ethnically, economically and linguistically, socio-pol
40、itical and administrative structures were centred on family and clan associations (Anderson, 1999; Asankanov, 1995). According to Kyrgyz oral history, they were forced from their ancestral lands on more than one occasion, arriving at their present territory via the Yenesei and Altai regions. The mos
41、t important legacy the Kyrgyz people possessed were the epic poems telling the history of the struggles of their ancestors. It is significant that the best known of these, the Manas Epos, is often referred to as a monument or memorial (inter alia Abetekov, 1995; Asankanov & Bekmukhamedova, 1999). Ho
42、wever, these epics can be better described as a living heritage in that their influence is discernible in the peoples customs, rites and daily activities and, since independence, they have played an important role in encouraging self-expression and raising the level of social consciousness (Asankano
43、v, 1995; Galieva, 1995). Attitudes and sympathies towards nationalism and national identity in Kyrgyzstan fluctuated throughout the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries in accordance with the balance of power in Saint Petersburg and later Moscow. Whilst tsarist Russia operated a policy of russifi
44、cation throughout the empire in an attempt to strengthen internal cohesion, the Bolsheviks wished to unite the nations of the Russian Empire by granting statehood and self-determination (see Boobbyer, 1998; Duncan, 1990). In the early days of the USSR, the Communist Party heavily promoted a policy o
45、f korenizatsia which encouraged the use of native languages and ways of life. Indeed it was during the 1920s that the Kyrgyz were encouraged to create a written alphabet. However, in the 1930s under Stalin there was notably less emphasis on native cultures, moreover the migration of large Slavic and
46、 Germanic populations throughout the Soviet Union in the course of industrialisation precipitated a return to Russian national values (Duncan, 1990). The period of Stalinist rule saw the gradual introduction of the Russian language into Kyrgyz schools and later throughout the political institutions.
47、 Heavy-handed measures were used to intimidate and remove the non-Russian elite on charges of bourgeois nationalism. Between 1920 and 1940 the Union of Militant Atheists demolished scores of religious buildings and cemeteries, destroying literature and persecuting believers. It was not only the infl
48、uence of Islam on daily life which was curtailed; Kyrgyz culture also came under pressureOn the pretext of combating pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism, steps were taken to root out cultural traditions and ideas from the consciousness and memory of several generations (Bakieva, 1999:64). The death of Stal
49、in saw a resurgence of nationalism and the renewal of efforts on the part of the non-Russian elite towards safeguarding aspects of Kyrgyz culture and in particular the epic poems. Such activities, whilst not encouraged by Moscow, were largely tolerated. At the same time, Soviet scholars were increasingly active in excavating and documenting heritage sites throughout the territory of Kyrgyzstan.
