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1、INCOME INEQUALITY, CORRUPTION, AND THE NON-OBSERVED ECONOMY: A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVEEhsan AhmedProfessor of EconomicsJames Madison UniversityJ. Barkley Rosser, Jr.*Professor of Economics and Kirby L. Kramer, Jr. Professor of Business AdministrationJames Madison UniversityMarina V. RosserProfessor of Ec
2、onomicsJames Madison UniversityMarch, 2004*MSC 0204, James Madison University, Harrisonburg, VA 22807, USAtel: 540-568-3212, fax: 540-568-3010, email: rosserjbjmu.eduAcknowledgements: The authors wish to thank Joaquim Oliveira for providing useful materials. We have also benefited from discussions w
3、ith Daniel Cohen, Lewis Davis, Steven Durlauf, James Galbraith, Julio Lopez, Branko Milanovic, Robert Putnam, Lance Taylor, Erwin Tiongson, and the late Lynn Turgeon. The usual caveat applies.1. IntroductionHow large the non-observed economy (NOE) is and what determines its size in different countri
4、es and regions of the world is a question that has been and continues to be much studied by many observers (Schneider and Enste, 2000, 2002). Many terms have been used for the non-observed economy, including informal, unofficial, shadow, irregular, underground, subterranean, black, hidden, occult, i
5、llegal, and others. Generally these terms have been used interchangeably. However, in this paper we shall make distinctions between some of these and thus prefer to use the more neutral descriptor, non-observed economy, adopted for formal use by the UN System of National Accounts (SNA) (see Calzaron
6、i and Ronconi,1999; Blades and Roberts, 2002). The size of this sector in an economy has important ramifications. One is that it negatively affects the ability of a nation to collect taxes to support its public sector. The inability to provide public services can in turn lead more economic agents to
7、 move into the non-observed sector (Johnson, Kaufmann, and Shleifer, 1997). When such a sector is associated with criminal or corrupt activities it may undermine social capital and broader social cohesion (Putnam, 1993), which in turn may damage economic growth (Knack and Keefer, 1997; Zak and Knack
8、, 2001). Furthermore, as international aid programs are tied to official measures of the size of economies, these can be distorted by wide variations in the relative sizes of the NOE across different countries, especially among the developing economies. Early studies (Guttman, 1977; Feige, 1979; Tan
9、zi, 1980, Frey and Pommerehne, 1984) emphasized the roles of high taxation and large welfare state systems in pushing businesses and their workers into the non-observed sector. Although some more recent studies have found the opposite, that higher taxes and larger governments may actually be negativ
10、ely related to the size of this sector (Friedman, Johnson, Kaufmann, and Zoido-Lobatn, 2000), others continue to find the more traditional relationship (Schneider, 2002). However, in Schneider and Neck (1993) it is argued that the complexity of a tax code is more important than its level of tax rate
11、s. Various other factors have been found to be related to the NOE at the global level, including degrees of corruption, degrees of over-regulation, the lack of a credible legal system (Friedman, Johnson, Kaufmann, Zoido-Lobatn), the size of the rural sector and the degree of ethnic fragmentation (La
12、ssen, 2003).One factor that has been little studied in this mix is income inequality. To the best of our knowledge the first published papers dealing empirically with such a possible relationship focused on this relationship within transition economies (Rosser, Rosser, and Ahmed, 2000, 2003). Until
13、late February, 2004, we believed we were also the first to posit the idea theoretically. However, we thank Lewis Davis (2004) for bringing to our attention the theoretical model of Rauch (1993) that hypothesizes such a relationship in development in conjunction with the Kuznets curve. During the mid
14、dle stage of development inequality increases as many poor move to the city and participate in the “underemployed informal economy,” a concept that follows the discussion of de Soto (1989), although this resembles more the “underground” economy as defined later in our paper here. Rauch does not prov
15、ide empirical data and his theoretical model differs from the one we present here and involves a different mechanism than ours as well. For a major set of the transition economies they found a strong and robust positive relationship between income inequality and the size of the non-observed economy.
16、 The first of these studies also found a positive relationship between changes in these two variables during the early transition period, although the second study only found the levels relationship still holding significantly after taking account of several other variables. The most important other
17、 significant variable appeared to be a measure of the degree of macroeconomic instability, specifically the maximum annual rate of inflation a country had experienced during the transition.In this paper we seek to extend the hypothesis of a relationship between the degree of income inequality and th
18、e size of the non-observed economy to the global data set studied by Friedman et al. However, we also include macroeconomic variables that they did not include. Our main conclusion is that the finding of our earlier studies carries over to the global data set: income inequality and the size of the n
19、on-observed economy possess a strong, significant, and robust positive correlation. The other variable that consistently shows up as similarly related is a corruption index, indeed this is the most statistically significant single variable although income inequality may be slightly more economically
20、 significant. However, inflation is not significantly correlated for the global data set, in contrast to our findings for the transition countries, and neither is per capita GDP. In contrast with Friedman et al measures of regulatory burden and property rights enforcement are weakly negatively corre
21、lated with the size of the non-observed economy but not significantly so. However, these are strongly negatively correlated with corruption, so we expect that they are working through that variable. The finding of Friedman et al that taxation rates are negatively correlated with the size of the non-
22、observed economy holds only insignificantly in our multiple regressions.In addition we have looked at which variables are correlated in multiple regressions with income inequality and with levels of corruption. In a general formulation the two variables that are significantly correlated with income
23、inequality are a positive relation with the size of the non-observed economy and a negative relation with taxation rates. Regarding the corruption index, the variables significantly correlated with it are negative relations with property rights enforcement and lack of regulatory burden, and a positi
24、ve relation with the size of the non-observed economy. Real per capita GDP is curiously positively related at the 10 percent level.In the next section of the paper theoretical issues will be discussed. The following section will deal with definitional and data matters. Then empirical results will be
25、 presented. The final section will present concluding observations.2. Labor Returns in the Non-Observed Economy Whereas Friedman et al focus upon decisions made by business leaders, we prefer to consider decisions made by workers regarding which sector of the economy they wish to supply labor to. Th
26、is allows us to more clearly emphasize the social issues involved in the formation of the non-observed economy that tend to be left out in such discussions. Focusing on decisions by business leaders does not lead readily to reasons why income distribution might enter into the matter, and it may be t
27、hat the use of such an approach in much of the previous literature explains why previous researchers have managed to avoid the hypothesis that we find to be so compelling. To us factors such as social capital and social cohesion seem to be strongly related to the degree of income inequality and thus
28、 need to be emphasized.Before proceeding further we need to clarify our use of terminology. As noted in footnote 1 above, most of the literature in this field has not distinguished between such terms as “informal, underground, illegal, shadow,” etc. in referring to economic activities not reported t
29、o governmental authorities (and thus not generally appearing in official national and income product accounts, although some governments make efforts to estimate some of these activities and include them). In Rosser, Rosser, and Ahmed (2000, 2003) we respectively used the terms “informal” and “unoff
30、icial” and argued that all of these labels meant the same thing. However we also recognized there that there were different kinds of such activities and that they had very different social, economic, and policy implications, with some clearly undesirable on any grounds and others at least potentiall
31、y desirable from certain perspectives, e.g. businesses only able to operate in such a manner due to excessive regulation of the economy (Asea, 1996). Another positive aspect of non-observed economic activity of any sort arises from multiplier effects on the rest of the economy that it can generate (
32、Bhattacharya, 1999).In this paper we use the term, “non-observed economy” (NOE), introduced by the United Nations System of National Acccounts (SNA) in 1993 (Calzaroni and Ronconi, 1999), which has become accepted in policy discussions within the OECD (Blades and Roberts, 2002) and other internation
33、al institutions. Calzaroni and Ronconi report that the SNA further subdivides the NOE into three broad categories: illegal, underground, and informal. There are further subdivisions of these regarding whether their status is due to statistical errors, underreporting, or non-registration, although we
34、 shall not discuss further these additional details. The illegal sector is that whose activities would be in and of themselves illegal, even if they were to be officially reported, e.g. murder, theft, bribery, etc. Some of what falls into the category of corruption fits into this category, but not a
35、ll. By and large these activities are viewed as unequivocally undesirable on social, economic, and policy grounds. Underground activities are those that are not illegal per se, but which are not reported to the government in order to avoid taxes or regulations. Thus they become illegal, but only bec
36、ause of this non-reporting of them. Many of these may be desirable to some extent socially and economically, even if the non-reporting of them reduces tax revenues and may contribute to a more corrupt economic environment. Finally, informal activities are those that take place within households and
37、do not involve market exchanges for money. Hence they would not enter into national income and product accounts by definition, even if they were to be reported. They are generally thought to occur more frequently in rural parts of less developed countries and to be largely beneficial socially and ec
38、onomically. Although the broader implications of these different types of non-observed economic activity vary considerably, they share the feature that they result in no taxes being paid to the government on them.Although it is not necessary in order to obtain positive relations between our main var
39、iables, income inequality, corruption, and the size of the NOE, it is useful to consider conditions under which multiple equilibria arise as discussed in Rosser et al (2003). This draws on a considerable literature, much of it in sociology and political science, which emphasizes positive feedbacks a
40、nd critical thresholds in systems involving social interactions. Schelling (1978) was among the first in economics to note such phenomena. Granovetter (1978) was among the first in sociology, with Crane (1991) discussing cases involving negative social conduct spreading rapidly after critical thresh
41、olds are crossed. Putnam (1993) suggested the possibility of multiple equilibria in his discussion of the contrast between northern and southern Italy in terms of social capital and economic performance. Although Putnam emphasizes participation in civic activities as key in measuring social capital,
42、 others focus more on measures of generalized trust, found to be strongly correlated with economic growth at the national level (Knack and Keefer, 1997; Zak and Knack, 2001). Given that Coleman (1990) defines social capital as the strength of linkages between people in a society, it can be related c
43、losely to lower transactions costs in economic activity and to broader social cohesion. Rosser et al (2000, 2003) argue that the link between income inequality and the size of the NOE is a two-way causal relationship, with the main links running through breakdowns of social cohesion and social capit
44、al. Income inequality leads to a lack of these, which in turn leads to a greater tendency to wish to drop out of the observed economy due to social alienation. Zak and Feng (2003) find transitions to democracy easier with greater equality. Going the other way, the weaker government associated with a
45、 large NOE reduces redistributive mechanisms and tends to aggravate income inequality. This effect is seen further from studies showing that tax paying is tied to general trust and social capital (Scholz and Lubell, 1998; Slemrod, 1998). Bringing corruption into this relation simply reinforces it in
46、 both directions. Although no one prior to Rosser et al directly linked income inequality and the NOE, some did so indirectly. Thus, Knack and Keefer (1997) noted that both income equality and social capital were linked to economic growth and hence presumably to each other. Putnam (2000) shows among
47、 the states in the United States that social capital is positively linked with income equality but is negatively linked with crime rates.The formal argument in Rosser et al (2003) drew on a model of participation in mafia activity due to Minniti (1995). That model was in turn based on ideas of posit
48、ive feedback in Polya urn models due to Arthur, Ermoliev, and Kaniovski (1987, see also Arthur, 1994). The basic idea is that the returns to labor of participating in NOE activity are increasing for a while as the relative size of the NOE increases and then decrease beyond some point. This can gener
49、ate a critical threshold that can generate two distinct stable equilibrium states, one with a small NOE sector and one with a large NOE sector. In the model of criminal activity the argument is that law and order begins to break down and then substantially breaks down at a certain point, which coincides with a substantially greater social acceptability of criminal activity. However, even
