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1、翻译专业资格考试（三级笔译实务）模拟试题及答案（一）Ban Ki-moon Stepped on the StageOn January 1 Ban Ki-moon, the new secretary-general, moved into the office on the 38th floor of United Nations headquarters in New York. Most of the talk has focused on whether it is appropriate that the worlds regions should take turns in ho
2、lding such a key post. But the more important issue is what consequences will flow from having an Asian in the top job at the precise moment that Asia emerges into the geopolitical sun.A certain historical distance has always existed between the Asian region and the international organization. Most
3、of New Yorks energy is consumed by the Middle East and Africa, not Asia. The UN is Atlanticist in structure and sometimes in orientation.There have been several signs in recent years, however, of a quickening of interactions between the UN and Asia. First, the end of the cold war broke the superpowe
4、r deadlock in the Security Council, conjured up new confidence about the organizations place in international relations and was followed by the establishment of two of the UNs largest and most complex peace operations, in Cambodia and East Timor.Second, the emergence of new and interconnected5 secur
5、ity threats in the region, including infectious diseases, resource scarcity, environmental catastrophes such as the 2004 tsunami, trafficking in drugs and people, and state failure, has demonstrated the advantages of international cooperation. As these threats escalate, so will the work of the UN an
6、d its agencies.Third, as the focus of international power moves towards them , Asian states are stepping up their engagement with the world body. The top five contributors of peacekeeping personnel are all from the UNs Asian regional group. Both Japan and India remain intent on permanent membership
7、of the Security Council. Most striking of all is Chinas increasingly practical behavior in New York. China was once poorly represented, defensive in the Council and uninterested in peacekeeping: now it is ably represented, confident and skillful in the chamber8 and before the media, and deploys more
8、 peacekeeping personnel than any other permanent member.This is the stage onto which Mr. Ban stepped.答案：潘基文登台亮相一月一日，新秘书长潘基文搬进纽约联合国总部大楼38层的办公室。由全球不同地区的人士轮流担任这一要职，这种做法是否合适已经成为多数人议论的焦点。但是，更重要的问题是，值此亚洲正在成为地缘政治中心的时刻，让一个亚洲人担任联合国最高职位会出现什么样的后果？亚洲地区和联合国（这个国际组织）之间总是存在某种历史距离。（位于纽约的）联合国的大部分精力都放在中东和非洲，而不是亚洲。联合国在
9、结构上，有时甚至在取向上，是大西洋主义的。然而，近几年来有些迹象表明，联合国与亚洲的联系在加速。第一个迹象是，冷战的结束打破了安理会内部超级大国间的僵局，人们对联合国在国际关系中的地位重拾信心，随后联合国在柬埔寨和东帝汶实施了两次规模最大和最复杂的维和行动。第二个迹象是，亚洲地区出现的各种新的安全威胁（包括传染性疾病、资源匮乏、环境灾难（如2004年的海啸、贩卖毒品、非法移民以及国家崩溃）不是孤立的，这已经显示出国际合作的好处。随着这些威胁的不断升级，联合国及其机构的工作也将不断升级。第三个迹象是，随着国际力量的重心向联合国机构转移，亚洲国家正在积极参与联合国的行动。提供维和人员最多的五个国家
10、都来自联合国亚洲成员国。日本和印度都一直想成为安理会常任理事国。给人印象最深的是中国在联合国纽约总部的做法越来越讲究实际。中国过去对很多活动参与不多，在安理会采取防御姿态，对维和行动不感兴趣。现在中国积极参与各项活动，在安理会上、在媒体面前充满自信、应对自如，派遣的维和人员超过其他任何一个常任理事国。这就是潘基文走上的舞台。Parliamentary Elections in Afghanistan For the first time in three decades Afghanistan is holding parliamentary elections. Its a momentou
11、s time for a country still trying to emerge from years of war. Theres been much criticism that these polls will only consolidate the power of the countrys powerful commanders, the warlords with dubious histories. But Lyse Doucet, whos been covering Afghanistan since the late nineteen eighties, has d
12、iscovered that in a nation where a new political culture is only slowly taking shape, the very existence of an election process has brought new energy to a lung-stagnant political life:Now there is a veritable forest of signs at every square and roundabout in Kabul and other cities, billboards selli
13、ng luxury watches, promoting national unity the new Afghan army. But, for the past month billboard, walls and fences across this land have been telling another story. Everywhere you look there are the faces of election candidates, middle aged men in suits and ties, men with turbans and long thick be
14、ards as dark as the night or as white as the first Afghan snow, hardly anyone is smiling. Tradition says photography is serious business. Even, wedding photographs here barely coax a smile.And in a country where only 4 years ago, women were largely confined to their homes under an oppressive Taliban
15、 rule, there are their faces too: candidates like young Sabrina with a fetching canary yellow headscarf, Shukda with finely penciled eyebrow, gazing into the distance, cradling a pen in her hand. The faces are plastered everywhere, on every available bit of space, sometimes on top of each other. Its
16、 led to Afghan cartoonists sketching someones face on top of someone elses legs.At first glance, these walls are just an unsightly mess of photographs. But, like the carpets of old, if you know this nations history, you can read meaning .into what seem like random patterns. These layers of paper for
17、m a bright new canvas of a nations dark history. General Ulumi who once worked with the Soviet Red Army is running for parliament. Theres also Mullah Khaqsar who used to execute the writ of the Taliban. But theres also Malalai Joya, the young woman who, a few years ago, bravely condemned the warlord
18、s in public.In this election, candidates must run as individuals, not as members of parties. But Afghans know who everyone is. They know their past. They know their father, their grandfather, or at least, they do in most cases. But what if they dont? In the last month of campaigning, in towns and vi
19、llages across this country, Afghans, from village elders with wizened faces, to wide-eyed teenagers too young to vote, have sat cross legged in the shades of mulberry tress, or in air-conditioned rooms cooled with electricity powered by generators. Theyve pondered and argued and debated the question
20、s of this time.One dimensional photograph, after all, only tells part of this new story. As one Afghan friend put it, in real life, many candidates with a past are two-faced. If elected to Parliament, its still not clear which face they will show. But whatever happens, the opening of Parliament will
21、 be the start of a new chapter. And no one here can say with certainty how that Afghan story will unfold.答案：阿富汗议会大选阿富汗即将举行300年来的首次议会选举。对于一个经历了多年战乱的国家来说，这是个重大的时刻。不少批评者称，这次投票将只会进一步加强拥有强权的军事指挥人员和那些背景可疑的军阀的权利。但是，一位从上世纪80年代末以来一直关注阿富汗的通讯记者莱斯，杜塞特指出，在一个新政治文化还处在形成阶段的国家里，选举程序本身已经为长久以来缺乏生机的政治生活注入了新的活力。如今，在喀布尔和
22、其他一些城市的广场和环形路121，四处可见林立的广告牌。其中有卖豪华手表的，有宣传民族团结的，也有新阿富汗部队的形象。但是，在过去的几个月内，整个国家的广告牌、墙壁和围墙在讲述另一个故事。选举候选人的画像随处可见，有穿西装打领带的中年人，也有包着头巾蓄着长长的大胡子的人，他们的胡子或黑如黑衣或自如阿富汗的第一场雪。但几乎没有一个人是微笑着的。按照传统，照相在阿富汗是件严肃的事情。甚至连结婚照也很少有人笑。4年前，在塔利班的统治下，这个国家的多数妇女被强行限制在家中。如今，她们的面孔也出现在广告牌上：例如候选人萨布林娜，围着迷人的淡黄色头巾；候选人苏克瑞亚的眉毛描得非常漂亮，她注视着前方，手里拿
23、着一支钢笔。这些女性面孔被张贴得到处都是，只要有空余空间就会贴上一张，有时候甚至会一张摞一张地贴，这一场景启发了阿富汗的漫画家们的创作灵感，他们纷纷把人脸画在了其他人的腿上。乍一看来，它们只是一堆很不好看的照片。但是，就像旧地毯一样，如果你了解这个国家的历史，就可以从那些看似不经意的图案中读出其中的意味。这一层层的海报为这个国家灰暗的历史创造出一幅全新的色彩明快的油画。曾经在苏联红军工作过的乌鲁米将军也参加了议会选举。过去曾经是塔利班命令执行者的穆拉卡克萨尔也参加了选举。参选的还有马拉莱，朱娅，这位年轻女性曾在几年前勇敢地公开抨击军阀。在这次选举中，候选人只能以个人身份，不得以党派身份参选。但
24、是，阿富汗的民众都知道他们，了解他们的历史，认识他们的父亲或是祖父，至少在多数情况下是这样。但即使他们不了解又会怎样？在上个月的选举中，全国各个城市和乡村的阿富汗人上至来自乡村的面容干枯的老者，下至还不能投票的大眼睛小孩子都盘腿坐在桑树荫下，或坐在装有发电机带动的空调的房间内，思考、争论、讨论着当今的问题。一张照片毕竟只能讲述这一新故事的部分内容。正如一位阿富汗朋友所说，在现实生活中，许多有背景的候选人都是双面人，不知他们被选进议会后会显示出哪一副面孔。但是，无论发生了什么，议会的设立开启了一个新的篇章。我们现在还不知道阿富汗的故事将如何展开。The Other Presidential Ra
25、ceEuropeans are as fascinated as the rest of the world by this years American presidential election. Rather fewer are aware that this autumn the European Union will choose a president of its own. The job being created by the new Lisbon Treaty is that of the first permanent president of the European
26、Council, the body that brings together all 27 heads of EU governments. The president may well turn into the EUs public face in dealing with, among others, his American counterpart.Unfortunately, the EU has a history of dreadful rows over top jobs. Remember Britains veto in 1994 of Jean-Luc Dehaene a
27、s president of the European Commission (the EUs executive branch), or the failed Franco-German attempt to squeeze a later Belgian prime minister, Guy Verhofstadt, into the job in 2004 Worst was the summit to launch the euro in May 1998, which degenerated into a 12-hour squabble over who should run t
28、he European Central Bank. It was settled by a dubious deal to split the eight-year term between a Dutchman, Wim Duisenberg11, and a Frenchman, Jean-Claude Trichet.Such a record fills one with foreboding over the choice of the first EU president. And this is not the only top job in play. Under Lisbon
29、, there will also be a quasi-foreign minister who will double up as the external-affairs commissioner. In 2009 there will be new presidents of the European Commission and of the European Parliament. The task of negotiating over these posts will fall to President Nicolas Sarkozy, since France holds t
30、he rotating EU presidency in the second half of 2008.Circling around these plums has begun. There are delicacies of timing and consultation: the foreign minister will replace an existing commissioner, and the European Parliament, to be re-elected in June 2009, will want a say in at least three of th
31、e jobs. Most of the choices will be made by majority vote and not, as in the past, by unanimity, ending the right of veto-though nobody would want to be picked over the objections of a big EU country.Speculation over candidates to be European Council president is rife16 even though the functions of
32、the job remain fuzzy, as does its relationship to governments that still hold the rotating EU presidency. But that uncertainty may mean the role is determined by the personality of its first holder. Last year Mr. Sarkozy hinted that he would back Britains Tony Blair for the job. Since Mr. Blair push
33、ed for the posts creation in the first place, he might seem suitable. But like all front-runners, he has met opposition: because he joined America in Iraq, because he comes from a big EU country, because he is not pro-European enough, because Britain is not in the euro or the Schengen passport-free
34、zone.Hence a trickle of other names: Luxembourgs Jean-Claude Juncker, Austrias Wolfgang Schilssel, Denmarks Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Irelands Bertie Ahem. Some are tarred by scandal (Mr. Ahem); others routinely deny any interest in the job ( Mr. Fogh Rasmussen). As in the Eurovision song contest, neig
35、hbours often back each other: the Germans lean towards Mr. Schilssel, the Belgians like Mr. Juncker and Scandinavians favour Mr. Fogh Rasmussen. Because a majority of EU governments are from the centre-right (now including Italys), the first president may be too. But if Jose Manuel Barroso of Portug
36、al is reselected as president of the European Commission, which looks likely, a centre-left European Council president might be a good balance.As for the putative foreign minister, the incumbent, Javier Solana of Spain, could continue in the job, certainly for the first year or so. But he is not uni
37、versally approved of, so other names are also in the frame. They include Carl Bildt of Sweden, Michel Bamier of France, Belgiums Mr. Verhofstadt and even Joschka Fischer, a former German foreign minister.In the past the choices might have been made by Mr Sarkozy and Germanys Angela Merkel, maybe in
38、cahoots with Britains Gordon Brown. The views of this trio, especially Ms Merkel, still, matter. But the EU now has 27 members, including ten east European countries. That makes agreeing on one job, let alone four, harder. It may favour a conventional presidential pick: Mr Juncker or, if he is cance
39、lled out by Mr Blair, Mr Schilssel.Treading the world stage Yet this is not a time for the usual Brussels name game. The idea of a permanent president of the European Council was resisted by many smaller countries. But now it is being created, it would be ludicrous to fill it with a minor figure; a
40、Juncker or a Schilssel. To the outside world-India or China, say-the president will speak for Europe. If the EU wants to be a serious global actor, that points to a world figure. Unless Ms Merkel steps forward, which is improbable, the only such person in the running is Mr. Blair.And there are two o
41、ther arguments for him. First, he would disprove the notion that senior EU people must come from countries that join in all EU policies, including the euro, defence and justice and home affairs. This line was used to block Chris Patten as a commission president in 2004. But in an increasingly multis
42、peed Europe, it would rule out nominees from more than half the EU countries. The EU president will not represent his government-indeed, though Mr. Brown says he backs Mr. Blair, few believe he is wholly sincere. If the criterion is Europeanness, France, Italy and Germany should be disqualified as t
43、hey are the worst offenders when it comes to breaching EU rules. Europe might end up being run only by Belgians and Luxembourgeois.Mr. Blair has a second advantage: he would remind the notoriously sceptical British that they are important players. This worked only up to a point with Roy Jenkins as c
44、ommission president in the late 1970s. Three decades on, a British EU president would give pause to those who maintain that Britain never has any influence in Brussels. As one top Eurocrat sums it up, the boldest choice for Europe would be the three Bs: Blair, Barroso and Bildt. If it works in class
45、ical music, why not for Europe?答案：登上世界舞台然而此刻还不是布鲁塞尔玩名字游戏的时候。设立欧盟理事会常任主席的想法遭到许多小国的反对。但是现在既然要设立，若由类似容克或许塞尔这样的小角色担此要职的话，那就显得荒唐了。对外部世界，如印度或中国而言，欧洲理事会主席将是整个欧洲的代言人。欧盟要想成为世界上举足轻重的角色，就需要推出一位世界级人物。除非默克尔挺身而出（这是不大可能的），此一职位就非托尼布莱尔莫属了。支持布莱尔还有两个理由。首先，有人认为欧盟的高级官员必须来自那些参加了包括欧元、防务、司法及民政事务在内的所有欧盟政策的国家，而布莱尔的当选将证明这种观点是
46、错误的。正是这种观点导致2004年彭定康未能出任欧盟委员会主席。但是在一个发展速度日渐不平衡的欧洲，这项标准将把半数以上欧盟国家的候选人排除在外。欧盟主席所代表的并不是他的国家事实上，虽然布朗口头上支持布莱尔，但没几个人相信他是真心的。如果以“欧洲性”作为衡量标准，那么法国，意大利和德国都不够格，因为违反欧盟规则最严重的，恰恰是这几个国家。或许欧洲最终只能让比利时人和卢森堡人来掌管。布莱尔还有一个优势。英国人对欧盟素来持怀疑态度，布莱尔的当选将提醒他们：英国也是欧盟的重要的成员。这一点英国人罗伊詹金斯在上世纪七十年代末担任欧盟委员会主席时做得很不够。三十年过去了，如果布莱尔出任欧洲理事会主席，
47、那些声称英国在布鲁塞尔毫无影响力的英国人应该闭上嘴了。正如一位欧盟高官所言：“欧洲最大胆的选择将是3B(即三个姓氏以字母8开头的人选)：布莱尔，巴罗佐和比尔特”。如果3B在古典音乐领域行得通的话，在欧洲为什么不行呢？The relationship between politicians and the pressIn the seaside town of Brighton in southern England the ruling Labour Partys annual conference is getting underway. Its a time for both Mps an
48、d grassroots members to take stock of how the party is doing, to discuss policy and to hear, hopefully inspiring speeches. The party delegates will be hoping too for plenty of coverage from the media assembled there.Newspapers in Britain have long had great influence over Governments, much to the re
49、sentment of the politicians. Almost seventy-five years ago, the then Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin accused the two big press barons, Lords Beaverbrook and Rothermere, of running their papers as engines of propaganda for the personal wishes and personal dislikes of two men. He famously accused them of seeking power without responsibility-the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages. Its hard to imagine the current Prime Ministe
