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1、Anti-Duhring反杜林论,Frederick Engels弗里德里希恩格斯,Part I:PhilosophyIX.Morality and LawEternal Truths(excerpt),Para One,If,then,we have not made much progress with truth and error,we can make even less with good and evil.This opposition manifests itself exclusively in the domain of morals,that is,a domain be
2、longing to the history of mankind,and it is precisely in this field that final and ultimate truths are most sparsely sown.(1),The conceptions of good and evil have varied so much from nation to nation and from age to age that they have often been in direct contradicton to each other.but all the same
3、(2),someone may object,good is not evil and evil is not good,if good is confused with evil,there is an end to all morality,and everyone can do as he pleases.,This is also,stripped of all oracular phrases,Herr Duhrings opinon.But the matter cannont be so simply disposed of.If it were such an easy bus
4、iness there would certainly be no dispute at all over good and evil;everyone would know what was good and what was bad.But how do things stand today?3,What morality is preached to us today?There is first Christian-feudal morality,inherited from earlier religious times;and this is divided,essentially
5、,into a Catholic and a Protestant morality,each of which has no lack of subdivisions,from the Jesuit-Catholic and Orthodox-Protestant to loose“enlightened”moralities.,Alongside theese we find the modern-bourgeois morality and beside it also the proletarian morality of the futrue,so that in the most
6、advanced European countries alone the past,present and future provide three great groups of moral theories which are in force(4)simultaneously and alongside each other.,Which,then,is the true one?Not one of them,in the sense of absolute finality;but certainly that morality contains the maximu elemen
7、ts promising permanence which,in the present,represents the overthrow of the present,represents the future,and that is proletarian morality(5).,Para Two But when we see that the three classes of modren society,the feudal aristocracy,the bourgeoisie and the proletariat,each have a morality of their o
8、wn,we can only draw one conclusion:,that men,consciously or unconsciously,derive their ethical ideas in the last resort(6)from the pracitical relations on which their class position is based From the economic relations in which they carry on production and exchange.,Para Three,But nevertheless there
9、 is a great deal which the three moral theories mentioned above have in common is this not at least a portion of a morality which is fixed once and for all(7)?these moral theories represent three different stages of the same historical development,have therefore a common historical background,and fo
10、r that reason alone they necessarily have much in common.,Even more(8),at similar or approximately similar stages of economic development moral theories must of necessity be more or less in agreement.From the moment when private ownership of movable property developed,all societies in which this pri
11、vate ownership existed had to have this moral injunction in common:Thou shalt not steal(9).,Does this injunction thereby become and eternal moral injunction?By no means.In a society in which all motives for stealing have been done away with(10),in which therefore at very most(11)only lunatics would
12、ever steal,how the preacher of morals would be laughed at who tried solemnly to proclaim the eternal truth:Thou shalt not steal(12)!,Para Four,We therefore reject every attempt to impose on us any moral dogma whatsoever as an eternl,ultimate and forever immutable ethical law on the pretext that(13)t
13、he moral world,too,has its permanent principles which stand above history and the differences between nations.,We maintain on the contrary that all moral theories have been hitherto the product,in the last analysis,of the economic conditions of society obtaining at the time.And as society has hither
14、to moved in class antagonisms,morality has always been class morality;it has either justified the domination and the interests of ruling class,or ever since the oppressed class became powerful enough,it has represented its indignation against this domination and the future interests of the oppressed
15、.,That in this process there has on the whole been progress in morality,as in all other branches of human knowledge,no one will doubt.(14)But we have not yet passed beyond class morality.A really human morality which stands above clas antagonisms and above any recollection of them becomes possible o
16、nly at a stage of society which has not only overcome class antagonisms but has even forgotten them in practical life.,And now one can gauge Herr Duhrings presumption in advancing his claim,from the midst of the old class society and on the eve of a social revolution,to impose on the future classles
17、s society and eternal morality independent of time and changes in reality.(15)Even assuming what we do not know up to now that he understands the structure of the society of the future at least in its main outlines.,X.Morality and Law Equality(excerpt),Para One,But even though we have finished with
18、Herr Duhringss shallow,botched treatment of the idea of equality,this does not mean that we have finished with the idea itself,which especially thanks to Rousseau(16法国卢梭)played a theoretical,and during and since the great revolution a practical political role,and even today still plays an important
19、agitational role in the socialist movement of almost every country.The establishment of its scientific content will also determine its value for proletarian agitation.,Para Two,The idea that all men,as men,have something in common,and that to that extent they are equal,is of course primeval.But the
20、modern demand for equality is something entirely different from that;this conssists rather in deducing from that common quality of being human,from that equality of men as men,a claim to equal political and social status for all human beings,or at least for all itizens of a state or all members of a
21、 ociety.,Before that original conception of relative equality could lead to the conclusion that men should have equal rights in the state and in society,before that conclusion could even appear to be something natural and self-evident,thousands of years had to pass and did pass.(17),In the most anci
22、ent,primitive communities,equality of rights could apply at most to members of the community;women,slaves and foreigners were excluded from this equality as a matter of course.Among the Greeks and Romans the inequlities of men were of much greater importance that their equlity in any respect.,It wou
23、ld necessarily have seemed insanity to the ancients that Greeks and barbarians,freemen and slaves,citizens and peregrines,Roman citizens and Roman subjects(to use a comprehensive term(18),should have a claim to equal political status.,Under the Roman Empire all these distinctions gradually disappear
24、ed,except the disctinction between freemen and slaves,and in this way there arose,for the freemen at least,that equlity as between private individuals on the basis of which Roman law developed(19)the most complete elaboration of law basd on private property which we know.,But so long as the antithes
25、is between freemen and slaves existed,there could be no talk of drawing legal conclusions from general equality of men;we saw this even recently,in the slave-owning states of the North Americal Union.,Para Three,Christianity knew only one point in which all men were equal:that all were equally born
26、in original sin which corresponded perfectly to its character as the religion of the slaves and the oppressed(20).Apart from this it recongnized,at most the equality of the elect(21),which however was only stressed at the very beginning.,The traces of community of goods which are also found in the e
27、arly stages of the new religion can be ascribed to solidarity among the proscribed rather than to real equalitarian ideas.,Within a very short time the establishment of the distinction between priests and laymen put an end even to this incipient Christian equality.the overrunning of Western Europe b
28、y the Germans abolished for centuries all ideas of equality,through the gradual building up of such a complicated social and political hierarchy as had never existed before.,But at the same time the invasion drew Western and Central Europe into the course of historical development,created for the fi
29、rst time a compact cultural area,and within this area also for the first time a system of predominantly national states exerting mutual influence on each other and mutually holdiong each other in check(22).,Thereby it prepared the ground on which alone the question of the equal status of men,of the
30、rights of man,could at a later period be raised.,Para Four,The feudal Middle ages also developed in their womb the class which was destined,in the course of its further development,to become the standard-bearer(23)of the modern demand for equality:the bourgeoisie.,Originally itself a feudal estate,t
31、he bourgeoisie developed the predominantly handicraft industry and the exchange of products within feudal society to a relatively high level,when at the end of the fifteenth century the great maritime discoveries opened to it a new career of wider scope.,Trade beyond the confines of Europe,which had
32、 previously been carried on only between Italy and Levant(24),was now extended to America and India,and soon surpassed in importance both the mutual exchange between the various European countries and the internal trade within each individual country.,American gold and silver flooded Europe and forc
33、ed its way like a disintegrating element into(25)every fissure,rent and pore of feudal society.Handicraft industry could no longer satisfy the rising demand,in the leading industries of the most advanced countries it was replaced by manufacture.,Para Five,But this mighty revolution in the conditions
34、 of the economic life of society was,howerver,not followed by any immediate corresponding change in its political structure.The political order remained feudal,while society became more and more bourgeois.,Trade on a large scale,that is to say,particularly international and,even more so,world trade,
35、requires free owners of commodities who are unrestricted in their movements and as such(26)enjoy equal rights;who may exchange their commodities on the basis of laws that are equal for them all,at least in each particular place.,The transition from handicraft to manufacture presupposes the existence
36、 of a number of free workersfree on the one hand from the letters of the guild and on the other from the means whereby they could themselves utilise their labour power workers who can contract with the manufacturer for the hire of their labour power,and hence,as parties to the contract,have rights e
37、qual to his.,And finally the equality and equal status of all human labour,because and in so far as it is human labour(27),found its unconscious but clearest expression in the law of value of modern bourgeois political economy,according to which the value of a commodity is measured by the socially n
38、ecessary labour embodied in it.,However,where economic relations required freedom and equality of rights,the political system opposed them at every step with guild restrictions and special privileges.,Local privileges,differential duties(28),exceptional laws of all kinds affected in trade not only f
39、oreigners and people living in the colonies,but often enough also whole categories of the nationals of the country concerned;everywhere and ever anew(29)the privileges of the guilds barred the development of manufacture.,Nowhere was the road clear and the chances equal for the bourgeois competitors
40、and yet that this be so was the prime and ever more pressing demand(30).,Para Six,The demand for liberation from feudal fetters and the establishment of equality of rights by the abolition of feudal inequalities was bound soon to assume wider dimensions,once the economic advance of society had place
41、d it on the order of the day(31).,If it was raised in the interests of industry and trade,it was also necessary to demand the same equality of rights for the great mass of the peasantry who,in every degree of bondage,from total serfdom onwards(32),were compelled to give the greaterpart of their labo
42、ur time to their gracious feudal lord without compensation and in addition to render innumerable other dues to him and to the stage.,Para Seven,On the other hand,it was inevitable that a demand should also be made for the abolition of the feudal privileges,of the freedom from taxation of the nobilit
43、y,of the political privileges of the separate estates.,And as people were no longer living in a world empire such as the Roman Empire had been,but in a system of independent states dealing with each other on an equal fooling and at approximately the same level of bourgiois development,it was a matte
44、r of course that the demand for equality should assume a general character reading out beyond the individual state,that freedom and equality should be proclaimed human rights.,And it is significant of the specifically bourgeois character of these human rights that the American constitution,the first
45、 to recognize the rights of man,in the same breath confirms the slavery of the coloured races existing in America:class privileges are proscribed,race privileges sanctified(33).,Para Eight,As is well known,however,from the moment when the bourgeoisie emerged from feudal burgherdom,when this estate o
46、f the Middle Ages developed into a modern class,it was always and inevitably accompanied by its shadow,the proletariat.And in the same way bourgeois demands for equality were accompanied by proletarian demands for equality(34).,From the moment when the bourgeois demand for the abolition of class pri
47、vileges was put forward,alongside it appeared the proletarian demand for the abolition of the classes themselves at first in religious form,leaning towards primitive Christianity,and later drawing support from the bourgeois equalitarian theories themselves.,The proletarians took the bourgeoisie at i
48、ts word(35):equality must not be merely apparent,must not apply merely to the sphere of the state,but must also be real,must also be extended to the social,economic sphere.And espeially since the French bourgeoisie,from the great revolution on,brought civil equality to the forefront,the French prole
49、tariat has answered blow for blow(36)with the demand for social,economic equality,and equality has become the battle-cry particularly of the French proletariat(37).,Para Nine,The demand for equality in the mouth of the proletariat has therefore a double meaning.It is either as was the case especiall
50、y at the very start,for example in the Peasant Warthe spontaneous reaction against the crying social inequalities,against the contrast between rich and poor,the feudal lords and their serfs,the surfeiters and the starving;as such it is simply an expression of the revolutionary instinct,and finds its
